Afghan activists blast feeble ICC outreach

30 January 2018 by Stephanie van den Berg

Judges at the international Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague are set to consider whether the prosecutor Fatou Bensouda will be allowed to open a case into alleged war crimes in Afghanistan after she filed her request last November. With her request the court also opened the procedure for victims’ representation where those who may be directly concerned by the specific situation can register to have their views and concerns regarding a possible investigation heard. But on the eve of January 31 – the deadline for such submissions – victims’ organizations and observers on the ground say the court is not doing enough to reach the thousands of people affected.

  Boys playing with toy guns run into a village alley in Bagram, Afghanistan, 2009 (Photo: Flickr/UN Photo/Eric Kanalstein)
Image caption: 
Boys playing with toy guns run into a village alley in Bagram, Afghanistan, 2009 (Photo: Flickr/UN Photo/Eric Kanalstein)

“There is a massive information gap,” says Horia Mosadiq, a journalist and human rights activist. During her recent visits to Afghanistan she met with a number of people and organizations who were not aware of the ICC procedure and the deadline. 

“These were high-profile individuals and human rights organizations and they were not aware of the ICC deadline (this week). If this is the situation in Kabul how is it in the provinces where the majority of the victims live, many of whom cannot read or write?” she asked in an interview with IJT.

The ICC has no physical presence in Afghanistan and its victims’ participation and reparations section (VPRS) is collecting the views- known as representations in ICC jargon- from potential victims of the alleged crimes on the prosecutor’s request to open an investigation. According to ICC spokesman Fadi El Abdallah the VPRS has “conducted information and training sessions and video calls, in various locations across the world, with a number of Afghan civil society representatives and Diaspora members and with lawyers working closely with potential victims”. 

Weeda Ahmad of the Social Association of Afghan Justice Seekers (SAAJS) says her NGO and many other human rights groups were invited to a three-day training given by the ICC outside of Afghanistan. The SAAJS prints out registration forms and has distributed them among victim’s relatives and helps upload the data for them unless the victims do so directly online. This way they have filed some 80 registrations including both individual victims and groups of victims, she told IJT.

Mosadiq says there are   only around 30 people actually going around the countryside and helping people register on a population of over  34 million. Those who venture outside of Kabul are all local NGO’s who face specific risks because neither the Afghan government, nor the Taliban, nor international forces want an ICC investigation.  

“The human rights activists (helping victims register) are very vulnerable because there is no support. Anyone working on such complaints could become a target for any group,” she explains, adding that the majority of the victims of the crimes alleged by the ICC are living in the Afghan countryside in remote locations and not in Kabul or abroad.

Ahmad says the ICC should do more. “They are working through the government and civil society of Afghanistan, but the government denied any help, which is very understandable because the majority of the government posts are run by war criminals of the last four decades,” she said in an e-mail interview. 

“The court as an international body with a prominent reputation can do more, especially to put pressure on the Afghan government and its international allies.”

Media strategy?

In terms of broader outreach and contact with local media to inform people how to register the ICC says it  has responded to “numerous media requests” and answered hundreds of e-mail queries. Mosadiq in turn says there is nothing in local media about the ICC. Her mail to the court asking about the ICC’s outreach and media strategy  for Afghanistan remains unanswered three months on. 

Afghanistan is not the first case where the ICC has received criticism over its outreach and its lack of information for victims; similar complaints were made in the Georgia and Kenya situations. But while observers agree that outreach remains difficult for the court under any circumstances, they insist the ICC should make more of an effort in the Afghanistan case.

“Afghanistan stands out because it is the first Asian case and the other ICC investigations were at least supported by the US and the international community if not also by at least one side in the conflict,” says Mosadiq. “Here there is no such support and that makes it a test case and a way for the ICC to show they are independent,” she adds.

 

What happens with the victims representations after the deadline?

After Wednesday’s deadline the court will gather all the representations it received and they will be sent to the ICC judges who have to decide on the prosecutor’s request to open an official investigation in the coming months. The ICC will also put together a report reflecting the views and concerns of victims. A redacted version which leaves out any identifying information of individual victims will be made public as well. 

It is important to note that victims who register in this phase of the probe can not automatically participate in the court case or be eligible for any reparations. Only if the judges authorize an official investigation victims can apply in a separate procedure to be represented and eventually receive reparations.  But even if this victims registration at this point is only the beginning of a possibly lengthy process with many other chances for victims to be heard if the court moves forward with the probe, Mosadiq insists this early phase is important. “I think it is a failure on the part of the ICC to underestimate the problems with outreach. If this is the situation now what will it be like when they do open an investigation?” she wonders.

 

(This story was edited 31/1 to reflect that Horia Mosadiq is no longer works for Amnesty International)

Want to read more?

If you subscribe to a free membership, you can read this article and explore our full archive, dating back to 1997.

Subscribe now

Related articles

article
19 February 2007 by Laetitia Grotti

One year ago on January 6, 2006, the 17 members of Morocco's Equity and Reconciliation Commission (IER) were closing up shop after submitting their final report to King Mohammed VI. The Moroccan truth commission had received a flood of compliments from the international community praising the recommendations in its report, especially those advocating legislative and constitutional reforms. One year later, however, the results have been rather mixed.

article
11 September 2006 by our correspondent in Arusha

After having tried high-ranking officers, ministers, businessmen, priests, journalists, local officials and militiamen, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is in uncharted waters. On September 11, the most famous rwandese troubadour of his generation will stand trial for genocide. 

article
23 October 2006 by Christine Chaumeau

China is keeping a polite distance from international criminal justice. Beijing is hardly disinterested, but China does want to make sure that these new global mechanisms are not going to infringe upon its sovereignty by delving into particularly sensitive cases such as Tibet. 

article
United Nations Operation in Burundi disarms rebel forces in Mbanda in February 2005 (Photo: Flickr/UN Photo/Martine Perret)
03 June 2015 by Janet H. Anderson, The Hague (The Netherlands)

Over the last month, Burundi has hit the headlines as the president put himself forward to be elected for a controversial third term, resulting in street protests, thousands of refugees who fled instability and an attempted coup. Behind the issues of elections and constitutionalism are also those of justice following Burundi’s long-running civil war. The international community supported an intensive process of negotiation and the signing of the Arusha Accord in 2000. But in the decade and a half since, its provisions on justice have been debated though never fully implemented.

article
06 November 2006 by Pierre Hazan

France's attitude towards international criminal justice is marked by ambiguity. Paris subscribes to a vision of the world in which international humanitarian law is considered a way to curb violence against civilian populations, but at the same time it is wary of an unchecked judicial system that could end up prosecuting French soldiers engaged in areas where it has old and deep-rooted interests.